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Finally, we must paint on the strength of our merits -- for the challenges that we face may have changed, yet the things that we believe in must not. That is why we must subserve our merits by living them at home -- which is why I have prohibited torment and will near the jail at Guantanamo Bay. And we must make it clear to every man, woman and child around the world who lives below the dingy smoke of cruelty that America will talk out on benefit of their human rights, and tend to the light of emancipation, and righteousness, and chance, and respect for the reputation of all peoples. That is who we are. That is the source -- the moral source of America's authority.
Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents and great-grandparents, our country has borne a special burden in global affairs. We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents. We have spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies. We have joined with others to amplify an building of creations -- from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank -- that provide for the common security and prosperity of human beings.
All told, at the peak of I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan approached a trillion greenbacks. Going forward, I am committed to addressing these costs openly and honestly. Our new reach in Afghanistan is presumable to cost us roughly $30 billion for the military this year, and I will work closely with Congress to residence these costs as we work to bring down our shortage.
But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must rebuild our strength here at home. Our prosperity provides a foundation for our power. It pays for our military. It underwrites our diplomacy. It taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry. And it will allow us to contest in this century as successfully as we did in the final. That is why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended -- because the nation that I am most interested in architecture is our own.
Now, let me be clear: nobody of this will be cozy. The struggle against turbulent extremism will not be finished speedily, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan. It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership in the world. And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20th century, our effort will comprise pell-mell zones, failed states, radiate enemies.
So as a outcome, America will must show our strength in the direction that we end wars and prevent clash. We will have to be nimble and accurate in our use of military power. Where al Qaeda and its allies try to establish a foothold -- whether in Somalia or Yemen or somewhere -- they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships.
And we can't count on military might alone. We must provide in our homeland security, because we can't capture or kill every violent extremist abroad. We have to improve and better coordinate our comprehension, so that we stay one step along of shadowy networks.
We will must take away the tools of hunk destruction. That is why I have made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to safe loose nuclear matters from terrorists; to stop the scatter of nuclear weapons; and to pursue the goal of a world without them. Because every nation must understand that true security will never get cracking an infinite marathon for ever-more devastating weapons -- true security will come for those who reject them.
We will must use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an interconnected world acting alone. I have spent this year renovating our unions and forging new partnerships. And we have forged a new opening between America and the Muslim world -- one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity.
America, we are passing through a time of great trial. And the message that we sbring ... to an end the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is just, our resolve unwavering. We will go forward with the trust that right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes. Thank you, God Bless you and God Bless the United States of America.
This review is now complete. And as commander in chief, I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S. troops to Afghanistan. After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home. These are the resources that we need to seize the initiative,hermes birkin crocodile, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.
We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have every so often made mistakes. But more than whichever other nation, the United States of America has underwritten global security for over six decades -- a time that, for all its problems, has looked walls come down, marts open, billions elevated heaved from privation, unparalleled scientific progress, and advancing frontiers of human liberty.
US President Obama spoke Tuesday night at the United States Military Academy in West Point, New York, about the future of the U.S. military vow in Afghanistan. The retinue is a transcript of his remarks:
Good evening. To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the men and women of our armed services, and to my fellow Americans. I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan -- the ecology of our commitment there, the range of our interests, and the strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this war to a successful conclusion. It is an honor for me to do so here at West Point where so many men and women have prepared to stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.
To address these issues, it is important to recollection why America and our allies were forced to fight a war in Afghanistan at the outset. We did not inquire for this fight. On September 11, 2001, 19 men hijacked 4 airplanes and used them to murder approximately 3,000 people. They struck at our military and economic nerve hearts. They took the lives of innocent men, women and children without regard to their belief or race or station. Were it not for the brave actions of the tourists on embark one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the great characters of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more.
As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda -- a group of extremists who have misrepresented and defiled Islam, one of the world's great religions, to justify the slaughter of innocents. Al Qaeda's base of actions was in Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban -- a merciless, repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.
Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to remuneration a second war in Iraq. The wrenching debate over the Iraq War is renowned and absence not be repeated here. It is enough to say that for the next 6 years, the Iraq War drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national care -- and that the decision to go into Iraq reasoned substantial rifts between America and much of the world.
Today, after amazing costs,tory burch sandals, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsible end. We will clear our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011. That we are doing so is a testament to the character of our men and women in uniform. Thanks to their prowess, gravel and perseverance , we have given Iraqis a chance to fashion their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people.
But when we have achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the location in Afghanistan has deteriorated. After escaping along the border into Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda's leadership established a safe-haven there. Although a legitimate government was picked by the Afghan people, it has been hampered by corruption, the pill trade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient Security Forces. Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government. Gradually, the Taliban has begun to take control over swaths of Afghanistan, when engaging in increasingly brazen and destructive acts of terrorism against the Pakistani people.
Throughout this phase, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction of what they were in Iraq. When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, likened to 160,000 in Iraq as long as the war. Commanders in Afghanistan again asked for support to handle with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these reinforcements did not arrive. That's why, presently after taking office, I ratified a long-standing apply for more troops. After negotiation with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between our war effort in Afghanistan, and the extremist safe-havens in Pakistan. I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling, and vanquishing al Qaeda and its extremist allies,abercrombie and fitch uk store, and mortgaged to better coordinate our military and civilian efforts.
I do not make this decision lightly. I disapproved the war in Iraq precisely because I believe that we must training restraint in the use of military force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions. We have been at war for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources. Years of discussion over Iraq and terrorism have left our consensus on national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort. And having equitable capable the worst economy crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are understandably focused on reconstructing our economy and putting people to go here at family.
Obama's full vocalizations pursuing the emulating objectives in Afghanistan:
Obama's full speach?
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So no -- I do not make this decision lightly. I make this decision because I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This is the epicenter of the violent extremism veteran by al Qaeda. It is from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak. This is no lazy danger; no hypothetical menace. In the last few months solo, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to perpetrate new acts of terror. This danger will only grow if the region slides backwards and al Qaeda can operate with impunity. We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to do that, we must increase the permanence and capacity of our partners in the region.
This effort must be based on performance. The days of providing a vacant check are over. President Karzai's inauguration discourse sent the right message about moving in a new instruction. And going forward, we will be clear about what we anticipate from those who receive our assistance. We will support Afghan ministries, leaders, and regional leaders that battle corruption and convey for the people. We anticipate those who are futile or corrupt to be held amenable. And we will also focus our assistance in areas -- such as agriculture -- that can make an momentary clash in the lives of the Afghan people.
The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades. They have been confronted with occupation -- by the Soviet Union, and then by diplomatic al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes. So tonight, I want the Afghan people to know -- America seeks an end to this era of battle and suffering. We have no amuse in preoccupying your country. We will support efforts by the Afghan administration to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of their fellow inhabitants. And we will quest a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect -- to isolate those who destroy; to strengthen those who establish; to hasten the day while our crews will quit; and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your associate, and never your contributor.
Third, we will act with the full admission that our success in Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.
First, there are those who recommend that Afghanistan is dissimilar Vietnam. They discuss that it cannot be stabilized, and we are better off cutting our losses and rapidly retreating. I deem this argument depends above a disloyal reading of history. Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a spacious junction of 43 countries that recognizes the legitimacy of our movement. Unlike Vietnam, we are no facing a broad-based popular insurgency. And maximum importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously bombarded from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are contriving along its frame. To forsake this zone immediately -- and to rely merely on exertions against al Qaeda from a distance -- would significantly hamper our aptitude to reserve the oppression on al Qaeda, and establish one unacceptable risk of added attacks on our homeland and our allies.
Second, there are those who recognize that we can't leave Afghanistan in its current state,Jimmy shoes, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we have. But this would simply retain a status quo in which we confusion through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions there. It would afterward testify more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan, because we would never be competent to generate the conditions needed to exercise Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over.
Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a timeframe for our transition to Afghan responsibility. Indeed, some call for a more thespian and open-ended escalation of our war effort -- one that would commit us to a nation building project of up to a decade. I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what we can achieve at a reasonable cost, and what we need to fulfill to secure our interests. Furthermore, the lack of a timeframe for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government. It must be clear that Afghans will must take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan.
As premier, I refuse to set goals that go further our liability, our method, our or interests. And I must measure all of the challenges that our nation faces. I don't have the luxury of committing to just one. Indeed, I am circumspect of the words of President Eisenhower, who -- in arguing our national security -- said, "Each suggestion must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and within national procedures."
Over the past several years, we have lost that equilibrium. We have failed to appreciative the articulation among our national security and our economy. In the get up of an economic crisis, too many of our friends and neighbors are out of work and struggle to disburse the bills, and too many Americans are worried approximately the hereafter facing our children. Meanwhile, emulation within the global economy has grown extra drastic. So we can't simply supply to bypass the amount of these wars.
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We are in Afghanistan to prevent a malignancy from once afresh spreading through that country. But this same cancer has also taken basis in the border region of Pakistan. That is why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border.
In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who have argued that the struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence. But in recent years, as innocents have been annihilated from Karachi to Islamabad, it has chance clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the most jeopardized by extremism. Public attitude has turned. The Pakistani Army has waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan. And there is no mistrust that the United States and Pakistan share a common antagonist.
In the elapse, we too constantly defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly. Those days are over. Moving forward, we are committed apt a partnership with Pakistan that is built aboard a basis of mutual interests, mutual esteem and mutual confidence. We will reinforce Pakistan's capacity to target those groups that intimidate our countries, and have made it remove that we cannot tolerate a safe-haven as terrorists whose situation is understood, and whose intentions are clear. America is likewise providing actual resources to patronize Pakistan's democracy and development. We are the largest international supporter for those Pakistanis supplanted by the fighting. And working amenable, the Pakistani folk have to know: America ambition remain a muscular supporter of Pakistan's security and boom long afterward the guns have fallen silent, so that the great latent of its people can be unleashed.
These are the three core units of our strategy: a military effort to create the conditions for a conversion; a civil surge that reinforces affirmative action; and an efficacious partnership with Pakistan.
I recognize that there are a range of concerns about our approach. So let me briefly address a few of the famous arguments that I have heard, and which I take very seriously.
Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of coerce against al Qaeda and those who berthed them -- an credential that continues to this day. The vote in the Senate was 98 to 0. The poll in the House was 420 to 1. For the 1st period in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5 -- the commitment that says an attack on an membership nation is an attack on always. And the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of entire essential steps to react to the 9/11 attacks. America, our allies and the world were deeding for 1 to break al Qaeda's terrorist network, and to protect our common security.
Under the banner of this servant unity and international legitimacy -- and only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden -- we brought our troops into Afghanistan. Within a material of months, al Qaeda was dispersed and many of its operatives were killed. The Taliban was pedaled from power and pushed back on its heels. A location that had known decades of alarm now had cause to hope. At a session convened by the U.N., a provisional government was created under President Hamid Karzai. And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country.
Most of all, I know thatthis decision asks even more of you -- a military that, along with your families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens. As president, I have signed a letter of condolence to the kin of every American who gives their life in these wars. I have read the letters from the parents and mates of those who deployed. I have visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed. I have traveled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their last asleep place. I see firsthand the disgustful wages of war. If I did not muse that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly array every single one of our troops home tomorrow.
These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies. Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future.
To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan. We must renounce al Qaeda a safe-haven. We must reverse the Taliban's momentum and veto it the ability to overturn the government. And we must strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan's security forces and government, so that they can take guide responsibility for Afghanistan's future.
We will encounter these objectives in three ways. First, we will pursue a military tactics that will break the Taliban's momentum and boost Afghanistan's capacity over the next 18 months.
Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear. This is not just America's war. Since 9/11, al Qaeda's safe-havens have been the source of attacks against London and Amman and Bali. The people and governments of both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered. And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we kas long asal Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to believe that they would use them.
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Since then, we have made progress on some important objectives. High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we have stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda world-wide. In Pakistan, that nation's Army has gone on its largest offensive in years. In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential referendum, and -- however it was ruined by deceit -- that co-optation produced a government that is persistent with Afghanistan's decrees and constitution.
Yet big challenges remain. Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has migrated backwards. There is no imminent threat of the government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum. Al Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in the same mathematics as before 9/11, but they maintain their safe-havens along the border. And our forces lack the full support they need to mainly train and partner with Afghan security forces and better secure the population. Our new commander in Afghanistan -- Gen. McChrystal -- has reported that the security situation is more serious than he anticipated. In short: the status quo is not sustainable.
As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger. Some of you have fought in Afghanistan. Many will deploy there. As your commander in capital, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of your service. That is why, after the Afghan election was completed,MBT Women, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy. Let me be clear: There has never been an option ahead me that shrieked for troop deployments before 2010 -- so there has been no defer or disapproval of resources necessary for the behave of the war. Instead, the reiterate has allowed me ask the hard answers, and to explore all of the differ options along with my national security group, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners. Given the stakes involved, I owed the American people and our troops no fewer.
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The 30,000 additional troops that I am announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010 -- the fastest pace possible -- so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers. They will increase our ability to train able Afghan security forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight. And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.
Because this is an international effort, I have asked that our commitment be joined by contributions from our allies. Some have already provided additional troops, and we are confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks ahead. Our friends have fought and bled and died abreast us in Afghanistan. Now, we must come together to end this war successfully. For what's at stake is not simply a test of NATO's credibility -- what's at stake is the security of our Allies, and the common security of the world.
Taken attach, these additional American and international troops will allow us to expedite handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transmit of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011. Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground. We will persist to inform and support Afghanistan's security forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul. But it will be clear to the Afghan government -- and, more importantly, to the Afghan people -- that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country.
Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take avail of cultivated security.
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For unlike the great powers of antique, we have not sought world domination. Our alliance was founded in resistance to cruelty. We do not seek to occupy other nations. We will not claim another nation's resources or target other peoples because their faith or ethnicity is different from ours. What we have fought for -- what we continue to fight for -- is a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and way opportunity.
As a country, we are not as young -- and maybe not as innocent -- as we were when Roosevelt was president. Yet we are still heiresses to a noble struggle for freedom. Now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the challenges of a new age.
In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength of our arms. It derives from our people -- from the workmen and affairs who will rebuild our economy; from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer new industries; from the teachers that will teach our children, and the service of those who work in our communities at home; from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hope abroad; and from the men and women in uniform who are part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people and for the people a reality on this Earth.
This vast and unlike citizenry will not forever coincide on every issue -- neither should we. But I also kas long aswe, as a nation, cannot sustain our leading neither guide the momentous challenges of our time if we allow ourselves to be split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national speech.
It is easy to forget that when this war began, we were allied -- bound together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the decision to vindicate our homeland and the values we clutch dear. I refuse to adopt the notion that we cannot muster that unity again. I believe with every fiber of my being that we -- as Americans -- can still come together behind a common purpose. For our values are not simply words written into parchment -- they are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest of tempests as one nation, as one people.

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